Earthling Liberation notes

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We live in ~~a society~~ an ecosphere.

No system but the ecosystem

What does that even mean?

Here's an aspect: https://www.radicalphilosophy.com/article/nature-in-the-limits-to-capital-and-vice-versa

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Ignore the thumbnail. Video is by "Debug your brain"

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submitted 1 year ago* (last edited 1 year ago) by veganpizza69 to c/earthlingliberationnotes
 
 

Some quotes from the article (see end for reference). All of these are quotes, so they will not be marked up differently. Some of the quotes are only for context.

CW: racism, obviously, we're talking about imperialism.


The territorial expansion of the British rule in India resulted in an increased interest in the Indian environment and its effects on the health and livelihood of Europeans. Contemporary physicians, historians, naturalists and others contemplated about the ability of the Europeans to settle in their newly conquered land.


According to Mark Harrison, ‘. . . there was considerable optimism [among the Europeans] in the late eighteenth century about the possibility of acclimatization. Even the high mortality and morbidity experienced by newcomers could be reduced, it was claimed, if they took care to avoid excessive consumption and exercise.’


The British conception of what should be the ‘ideal’ food habits for the novice English officialdom and how these perceptions were linked to specific ideologies of the Raj which helped to evolve the cultural identity of the English ruling class.


India and other tropical countries became synonymous with lethargy, effeminacy and decay. Temperate climate, on the other hand, were believed to breed strong independent types, full of manly vigour.


The first generation of Company surgeon discovered that by observing these, the indigenous people have been able to keep healthy and the Europeans for preserving their health in the tropical climate should follow the same practice. In this regard attention has been directed to the inappropriate diet of the Europeans. Charles Curtis, a surgeon associated with the naval hospital in Madras in the 1780s cautioned the new British recruits to India, against over consumption of meat. He warned against the “...the European habit of using a great deal of animal food...till some stomach or bowel disorder occurs to check it.” And a way of preserving the European health was to forsake “a generous contempt for what they reckon the luxurious and effeminate practices of the country...and accustom themselves to what are called the native dishes which consist for the most part of boiled rice, and fruits, highly seasoned with hot aromatics, along with meat stews and sauces, but with small proportion of animal matter.”


By the end of the 18th Century, many influential authorities were advocating a Hindu diet, consisting mainly of vegetables, at least to the newcomers to India. The celebrated James Johnson writing some years later also advocated the adaptation of the Hindu Vegetarian diet. James Johnson argued, “That Vegetable food, generally speaking, is better adapted to a tropical climate than animal, I think, we may admit, and particularly among unseasoned Europeans...”


Jayanta Sengupta, however, has argued that this rule was voraciously flouted by the Europeans. The Europeans regularly consumed huge quantities of different kinds of meat including pork and beef. Stomach disorder or even liver dysfunction would be the resultant effect, if this diet was continued daily. But the English blamed the weather for their illness rather than their insatiable appetite. The Governor Philip Francis wrote in 1775, “I am tormented with the bile and obliged to live on mutton chop and water. The Devil is in the climate I think.”


George W. Johnson recollected in his memoirs written in 1843, a typical breakfast menu of the English ruling class which “ ... is no mere –slop-and bread- and- butter affair, but fish, curry. Eggs, ale, coffee, tea, are all gathered in together, not omitting the usual subduers cakes and buttered toast. And J. H. Stocqueler narrated a breakfast menu, which included but was not limited to, “... the omelette, the rice, the fish, the muffins, the chitnee, the cold meats, and the fresh and fragrant tea,-all have a tendency to create an appetite beneath the ribs of death, and to render gaunt famine, or penurious scarcity, quite impossible visitants.”


[Dinner] is usually composed of, in the first instance, an overgrown turkey (the fatter the better) in the center, which is the place of honour; an enormous ham. . . at the top of the table appears a sirloin or round of beef; at the bottom a saddle of mutton; legs of the same, figure down the sides, together with fowls, three in a dish, geese, ducks, tongues, humps, pigeon-pies, curry and rice of course, mutton –chops and chicken cutlets. Fish is of little account, except for breakfast, and can only maintain its post as a side dish.”


This habit of over indulgence of the English rulers was however not restricted to food only and could be seen in every aspect of British life, particularly during the early decades of the Company rule. There was a conscious attempt to follow the aristocratic lifestyle of the erstwhile Mughal rulers or Nawabs of India. This adaptation was necessary because ‘what they perceived as Indian notions of how a ruling body should behave.’19 The English wanted to adopt a style befitting of the ruling class and to which the Indian subjects could identify with. As representatives of a colonial power, they were to keep a larger number of servants, and live at a greater level of luxury that would not have been affordable in Britain. Moreover, this extravagant lifestyle was legitimized on the ground of ‘superiority’ of the white ruling class and with the increasing racialization of the British Raj after 1857, it became a powerful signifier of ‘Britishness’, which helped to maintain their difference with the ‘inferior’ Indian ‘native’. Food and dress became the cultural sites on which the bodily difference of the rulers and the ruled was sustained. The lavish eating habits continued even during the late 19th and 20th Centuries as evident from the menus prescribed for English dinner as found in an Anglo-Indian guidebook.


That English diet in the colonies was now based on French influence rather than on indigenous food habits proved not only the ‘superiority’ of western food habits but also helped to firmly establish the racial assertiveness/arrogance of the European ruling class.


The cultural symbolism attached with food helped to differentiate the ruling with the ruled. And this bountiful consumption was approved to be the deserving diet of the ruling class. As food became a site of colonial supremacy, the adjustment, adaptation and transformation over the variety, ingredients and styles of recipes had received a connotation of cultural imperialism too.


Chowdhury, Rituparna Ray. “THE IMPERIAL DIET OF THE BRITISH RAJ: FOOD AS CULTURAL SYMBOLISM.” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, vol. 76, 2015, pp. 581–87. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/44156624. Accessed 2023.

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Bioarchaeological evidence of interpersonal violence and early warfare presents important insights into conflict in past societies. This evidence is critical for understanding the motivations for violence and its effects on opposing and competing individuals and groups across time and space. Selecting the Neolithic of northwestern Europe as an area for study, the present paper examines the variation and societal context for the violence recorded in the human skeletal remains from this region as one of the most important elements of human welfare. Compiling data from various sources, it becomes apparent that violence was endemic in Neolithic Europe, sometimes reaching levels of intergroup hostilities that ended in the utter destruction of entire communities. While the precise comparative quantification of healed and unhealed trauma remains a fundamental problem, patterns emerge that see conflict likely fostered by increasing competition between settled and growing communities, e.g., for access to arable land for food production. The further development of contextual information is paramount in order to address hypotheses on the motivations, origins, and evolution of violence as based on the study of human remains, the most direct indicator for actual small- and large-scale violence.

While “successful” foragers can only share the benefits of their efforts in the short term and with a few individuals, successful farmers can accumulate material wealth in the form of cleared land and livestock that both permit and promote ever larger family sizes. These new forms of wealth were also heritable, meaning that emerging wealth disparities could grow wider across multiple generations.* The emergence of “wealthy” individuals, especially in more pastoralist groups, will also have created conditions that favored polygamy––some individual males were now able to support more than one spouse. This change would further increase inequality by producing powerful patriarchs at the head of increasingly large families while also disenfranchising other males who might be unable to marry. The former hypothesis appears to be borne out by the recent aDNA study of remains from Hazleton North chambered tomb, southwest England (83), where a single male progenitor had reproduced with four women to produce a five-generation family, with female exogamy. The combination of material, social, and reproductive inequalities created by the conditions arising from domestication contrasts with former egalitarian perceptions of the Neolithic. These new inequalities would be sufficient to account for both the motivations behind the forms of intergroup violence now prevalent and also the form of such interactions with raiding and the abduction of women as apparent among repeated mass burials, now a recurring feature of intergroup hostilities.

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Some disturbing NSFW photos.

Fixed the original title. Ranchers have been waging a war on wildlife and biodiversity for thousands of years, this is just another incident in it.

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The causes, consequences, and timing of the rise of moralizing religions in world history have been the focus of intense debate. Progress has been limited by the availability of quantitative data to test competing theories, by divergent ideas regarding both predictor and outcomes variables, and by differences of opinion over methodology. To address all these problems, we utilize Seshat: Global History Databank, a large storehouse of information designed to test theories concerning the evolutionary drivers of social complexity. In addition to the Big Gods hypothesis, which proposes that moralizing religion contributed to the success of increasingly large-scale complex societies, we consider the role of warfare, animal husbandry, and agricultural productivity in the rise of moralizing religions. Using a broad range of new measures of belief in moralizing supernatural punishment, we find strong support for previous research showing that such beliefs did not drive the rise of social complexity. By contrast, our analyses indicate that intergroup warfare, supported by resource availability, played a major role in the evolution of both social complexity and moralizing religions. Thus, the correlation between social complexity and moralizing religion seems to result from shared evolutionary drivers, rather than from direct causal relationships between these two variables.

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Kohler isn't sure why this happened, but he has some ideas. "Think about it," he says. "You know that animals like cows, oxen, horses, sheep, goats, pigs, all are Old World domesticates." Through an accident of geography and evolution, they simply didn't exist in the Americas before Columbus arrived.

So it was only in the Old World that ancient farmers could use oxen to plow more fields, expand production, and get richer, compared to poorer farmers who could not afford those animals.

They were accumulating wealth, what economists call capital — a term that Kohler says is no accident. "Our word 'capital' comes from the same proto- Indo-European root as our word for 'cattle' does," he says.

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He is the author of the book "Justice as a Fair Start in Life". Carter began his career as an Honors Program appointee to the U.S. Department of Justice. He later served as a legal adviser to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, in the national security law division. He wrote his thesis reformulating the right to have children under Jeremy Waldron, his extensive academic work on family planning has been published by Yale, Duke, and Northwestern Universities, as well as in peer-reviewed pieces.. He has served on the Steering Committee of the Population Ethics and Policy Research Project and was a Visiting Scholar at the Uehiro Center, both at the University of Oxford. He has taught at several law schools in the U.S., served as a peer reviewer for the journal Bioethics, and most recently managed an animal protection strategic impact litigation program.